While in theory, homosexuality and transsexuality officially disappeared as disorders, in reality, they continued to be pathologized in other categories ( Grau, 2017). Four years later, the same situation occurred with transsexuality in the DSM-III. It was not until 1975 that the American Psychological Association supported eliminating homosexuality as a disorder, one year later than its psychiatric colleagues working on the DSM-II. Beginning in the 1930s and until the 1970s, within the paradigm of differences in personality features, a wide range of theories and tools were developed to justify the inferiority of women and to detect and/or correct deviations in gender expression, orientation and identity ( López-Sáez et al., 2019). However, an international evolution, guided by American psychology, had several phases. In Spain, the discipline maintained a pathologizing discourse until the mid-1980s ( Mora, 2018). Inside this discipline, the clinical branch monopolized the study of working with LGBT individuals. The discourses of the various social and health sciences have also been imbued with these negative attitudes, in particular psychology. While institutions focus on consequences that expose an urgent social problem ( Cvetkovich, 2018), there are other forms of hate that do not manifest themselves in the form of an incident or crime: the expression of negative attitudes. The study of attitudes, however, has received less attention. An incident is the more visible consequence of imperceptible attitudes. Incidents involving Spanish professors ( Borraz, 2018 Peñalver, 2018) and campaigns carried out by organizations opposed to educational coexistence and inclusion ( Arribas, 2019) serve as more general indicators of these systems of violence.īecause of the possibility of differentiating hate crimes or incidents against the LGBT community from others, the motivation can be deduced: LGBTphobia, a motivation based on a set of beliefs that result in abuse and discrimination. There are no clear numbers about incidents in the university context, although some studies have cautioned that Spanish universities are not violence-free areas ( FELGTB, 2013 Rebollo et al., 2018). According to the Eurobarometer (2019), the low perception of discrimination held by the population (between 39 and 54% according to the area) contrasts with an increase in hate crime incidents: from 169 in 2015 to 271 in 2017 ( Ministry of the Interior, 2018) or from 107 in 2015 ( Martín-Peréz et al., 2016) to 623 in 2017 ( Rebollo et al., 2018). In fact, since 2011 Spain has dropped 10 spots to eleventh place due to the absence of legislation that guarantees protection ( ILGA, 2019). Despite progress, concerns remain about the threat to LGBT rights. For example, in 1975, according to a survey done by the Revista Guadiana magazine, 83% of the population believed that homosexuality and everything associated with it (such as trans) should disappear ( Mora, 2018). In Spain, one of the countries where LGBT individuals enjoy the greatest number of rights ( ILGA, 2019) and where more than 80% of the population supports education on the subjects of gender identity and sexual-emotional diversity ( Eurobarometer, 2019), the situation has not always been ideal. One half century after the famous Stonewall uprising in New York City, the violence faced by lesbians (L), gays (G), bisexuals (B), and trans individuals (T) continues to be a social reality. Predictive models confirmed the literature on social and ideological conservatism. In general, the groups of men and heterosexuals obtained higher negativity scores and lower acceptance scores, with significant correlations being more frequent in the heterosexual group. Descriptive, multivariate analysis of variance, bivariate correlations and multiple regression were used.
A study was conducted with 655 cis women (471 heterosexuals, 179 bisexuals and lesbians) and 174 cis men (120 heterosexuals, 54 bisexuals and gays). The present study evaluates the correlations between sexism, homonegativity, binegativity, pro-trans attitudes, political affiliation, contact with LGBT individuals and perceived stigma among psychology students.
Miguel Ángel López-Sáez 1*, Dau García-Dauder 1 and Ignacio Montero 2